Posts Tagged ‘environment’

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EU sponsored education on the Danube Delta

May 24, 2013

A short entry today owing to technical issues and my woeful IT skills which manage to lose a fair amount of pending material, including what had been written yesterday for publishing today.

Anyway, I have written here and here  about the quite beautiful and unique natural environment of the Danube Delta before, relating to the EU Action Plan for th Danube and Danube region.

Nothing I can write will do justice to just how special that environment is – so I won’t try.

As the saying goes, familiarity breeds contempt – so it is encouraging to note that the EU has spent a few Euros to gather together schools, teachers and students from Ukraine, Moldova and Romania, all of whom have regions that share the Danube Delta, in an effort to expand and appreciate the surroundings they live within, under the umbrella of the EU ENRTP programme.

A project I refuse to decry, despite the fact others will undoubtedly consider it a waste or EU funds.

 

 

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Insuring failure – Ukrainian opposition

May 23, 2013

Now if you happen to be the opposition – ergo the minority – in any parliament, it goes without saying that getting the laws you support passed – or those you are against to fail – requires party discipline to insure the maximum turnout at any such vote, as well as erosive lobbying of those within the majority to gain support that goes against their party line.

Very difficult in any parliament and it is certainly not easy in a corrupt and self-serving cesspit  such as the Ukrainian RADA.

I have written previously of the critical and headline votes that the opposition could have won had they the discipline to insure their party members turned up to work as they are paid to do.  However snatching defeat from the jaws of victory is becoming something of an unofficial policy for the “United Opposition”.

After such public leadership and party disciplinary failures that caused the opposition to lose all 4 headline votes in the above link, you would think that thereafter the mandatory attendance of all opposition MPs would have been required by parties when bills they sponsor or support are up for vote.

After all what harm could the occasional victory over the government do for their image and the public perception of their effectiveness – let alone display weakness within the majority coalition occasionally?

And yet, Anatoliy Grychenko, a leader within the United Opposition on the Batkivshchyna Party list, now almost daily decries the fact that party discipline is non-existent, together with party leadership being noticeable by its absence.

Анатолій Гриценко
Опозиція має відрізнятися від влади!

Сьогодні Рада провалила два проекти опозиції. Опозиція допомогла їх провалити.

1) проект 2126 – про зарахування екологічного податку до бюджетів місцевих Рад. Логічний і правильний. Внесла Свобода, Сех. Опозиція активно агітує за підтримку. Голосування: Батьківщина – мінус 30 голосів, УДАР – мінус 15, Свобода – мінус 5 голосів. Разом – мінус 50 голосів!

2) проект 2503 – про охорону тварин і рослин від винищення браконьєрами. Логічний і правильний. Внесла Батьківщина, Томенко. Опозиція активно агітує за підтримку. Голосування: Батьківщина – мінус 42 голоси, УДАР – мінус 16, Свобода – мінус 4 голоси. Разом – мінус 62 голоси.

3) проект 2149 – зараз розглядається. Про адміністративні послуги, теж від опозиції, УДАР, Продан – результат буде аналогічним, а то ще й гіршим, бо в секторі опозиції все більше пустих крісел.

Не може бути виправдання такій недисциплінованості й безвідповідальності депутатів. Сектор влади теж напівпустий, але влада мене менше турбує. Турбує те, що опозиція – діє так само, а мала би задати інший стандарт поведінки. Говорю про це вождям і депутатам майже щодня. По барабану. Біда…

To save you translating, an environmental taxation bill (566) aimed at funneling environmental taxes to local government rather than central government, and vigorously supported by the opposition, failed because 30 Batkivshchyna MPs did not turn up to vote, neither did 15 from UDAR and another 5 from Svoboda.  A total of 50 opposition votes missing from a bill the opposition wanted to pass.

Bill 2503, drawn up by Mikola Tomenko relating to the protection of flora and fauna.  Tomenko is a man who sits amongst the elite of the elite in the Batkivshchyna Party and his bill faired even worse.  Despite his position in the party hierarchy, 40 of his fellow Batkivshchyna MPs, almost all of which his junior in both parliamentary longevity, party position and most importantly political ability, were absent.  Add to this another 16 missing from UDAR and 4 missing from Svoboda and that is a total of 62 opposition votes AWOL for one of their own pieces of legislature up for the vote!

Grychenko rightly summarises that there can be no excuse for such indiscipline and irresponsibility that the United Opposition is consistently displaying – quite rightly.  As he states, complaints about opposition leadership and deputies within are now an almost daily occurrence from within its own ranks.

Fair play to him for stating the obvious- not that the disunity within the opposition is a closely guarded secret.  It is obvious to anybody who cares to look amongst either the leadership, the rank and file, or both.

Leadership-less, discipline-less, rudderless and feckless – As far as the Ukrainian public and EU are concerned, this coalition will once again turn out to be hopeless – whether it regains power or remains in opposition.

So terribly sad that they cannot even muster being an effective opposition, as that would at least assist giving some credibility to any opposition presidential candidate – and whilst Ukraine is no doubt capable of suffering another Yanukovych term, one has to hope it won’t have to.

- And before I am asked who I would prefer to see as the next president of Ukraine – whilst it may read like anybody other than the present incumbent or Yulia Tymoshenko – it’s not – at least not quite.  In no particular order:

Klitschko (UDAR leader) – likely to run and likely to reach the second round if there is one according to current opinion polls

Tomenko (Batkivshchyna) – very unlikely to run which is a shame as he is a very competent politician

Poroshenko (Independent) – may run but will not get the votes his experience deserves

Grychenko (Batkivshchyna) – very unlikely to run as not enough support at the ballot box despite TV popularity in debates

In the unlikely event of an internal Party Regions competitor:

Serhey Tigipko

You see, if I had listed those who I would not want to see as the next president, the likes Yanukovych, Tymoshenko, Tyahnybok, Yatseniuk and the vast majority of each of the parties hierarchy, it would have been a very long list indeed!

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Danube Action Plan – Progress Report

April 10, 2013

What seems like a very long time ago, back in April 2011 in fact, I wrote about an EU sponsored action plan relating to the River Danube and the nations through which it flows.

It naturally effects Ukraine, as the Danube Delta is partly Ukrainian territory – shared with Romania.  It is in fact part of my home Oblast of Odessa, and the Delta happens to be a very beautiful place indeed.

It is now time for an update on how the EU action plan has progressed thus far.

Let’s hope that by 2020 the environmental and ecological targets are met – together with the social and economic targets too.

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Regional Development (Again)

April 1, 2013

A few days ago I briefly wrote about regional development in Ukraine, concluding that “Accepting there is no perfect method – why do we expect a perfect outcome?” – A fair point I think.

What I didn’t do, is state what I thought would be a reasonable model to pursue – naughty me!

After all, I get rather tired of reading commentary and monologue that is quick and oft justified in the crucification of the current models and their outcomes – but that crucially omit any thought about how to improve the model, or if the model is about as good as it can be, how to manage the expectations for perfect results from an imperfect model.

Naturally the first thing to recognise is that regional development is exactly that – regional.

Whilst some issues will be constant throughout many regions and thus should form part of a national development plan controlled and implemented nationally – regional development issues are the prerogative of local government and they are best placed to identify and implement local development.

In short, the individualities of Odessa are not all easily transposed to work effectively in Carpathia – despite some prima facie compatibilities.  Not only in the local needs for infrastructure and economic drivers, but also in the availability and regionally bespoke arena of human capital.

The training and development needs of industrialised Donetsk  are not so easily transposed to Yalta for example.  That said, putting in place parameters on regional development simply because “that isn’t how it works here” is not necessarily a good thing either.  Internal innovation at a regional level is one method of development – particularly by SMEs.

Putting up barriers to local innovation is a self-defeating policy for any local government.  Why should local government work harder to generate regional development if SMEs have the desire and ability to work hard instead?  Let them.

Is it not a smarter policy for local government to encourage rather than unnecessarily corral the innovation of its populous?

This naturally would lead to greater interaction between local business and local government and a dialogue that should, theoretically, lead to local government creating a structure whereby the local populous generate greater production either by active assistance or by simply staying out of the way.  In doing so, those SMEs that thrive obviously become sustainable.  Those that fail will reinvent themselves if there is a medium for knowledge exchange within the local business community – preferably one where local government sits and listens.

Where local government can help is in the arena of sustainable and ecologically wise city planning.

Odessa is replete with brownfield sites which stand abandoned and could be turned into business parks or engineering parks.  Brand new, shiny, business incubators are not necessarily going to either meet the needs of the SMEs or provide any dynamic gains for the local economy or employment.

In converting the plentiful brownfield sites, is there not an opportunity to be environmentally conscious at the same time when it comes to energy efficiency?  Does that not create an opportunity for local “green” business and tick all those globally friendly boxes, encouraging grants to continue with such development of other brownfield sites?

If a site is beyond renovation or situated in an area where it holds not commercial or society benefits – flatten it!

If made from brick, crush it and use the crushed material as aggregate to compact under new roads or road repairs rather than the cheapest rubbish the nefariously won tender holders now use.  What is wrong with recycling the materials in derelict buildings?

Collect and sell as scrap the thousands of miles of steel rusting away in disused brownfield buildings if they need to be demolished.  There is an international market for scrap metal – use it!

Has anybody in the Odessa local government even tried to evaluate the benefits of having so many business incubators via a vis development of a brownfield site into a business park or engineering park?  Are they even capable of coming up with a reasonable evaluation model?  I doubt it.

Local authorities should also consider the cultural side of local life.  Can an abandoned factory warehouse be used for a dance centre, a go-cart course, a youth club etc rather than stand empty generating precisely nothing – not even local good-will toward the local government, let alone community spirit?

It is all very well putting up cheap and cheerful play equipment, or resurfacing a footpath in a run up before local or national elections in an effort to try and buy voters, but such acts are seen for what they are.  They are certainly not what can be classed as regional development.

As many people state, they wish elections would happen every year for that is the only time the politicians actually actively make good the state of necessary repair in the local voting regional seats.

Naturally there is the issue of funding – and here perhaps more than anywhere, local government has a vital role to play.  Not only in spreading out the meager budget granted by Kyiv to meet immediate problems – and stealing half of it doesn’t help – but also in attracting funding from the EU, World Bank, EBRD, EIB etc., not only by way of grants but also by way of loans.

Turning the financing of local development into a business whereby money has to be repaid rather than just accepted as charity by local government, would necessarily sharpen minds when it comes to return on investment within the local community – whether that return be directly economic or by way social good will through increasing the quality of life.  In short something of a mixture of that often hard to identify “added value”, “good will”,  or community/local government driven “inclusive growth”.

When considering the “feel good” factor within local society, it is all very well to have the roads in Odessa city centre is good condition, all the facades looking pristine – not that the current local authorities can even manage that, despite it being all that 99% of tourists ever see and experience – what about the redevelopment of urban areas in dire need of attention – such as Moldovanka in Odessa?

Where is the plan, where is the on-going implementation of that plan, and where is the budgetary forecasts for such much needed development?  If it exists on paper, it certainly has not been turned into reality in any shape or form.  In the decade I have been living in Odessa, Molodvanka has done nothing other than fall apart even further.

When part of the city becomes equated with ever increasing squaller, is it any wonder it becomes a haven for Russian and Moldavian criminals in hiding – for drug dealers – for an illicit sex trade – a place to hire a thug or two?  In Moldovanka, the development issue is certainly the quality of housing and the lack of policing.  We are talking about fundamentals for a part of a city that aspires to be a rising star of European tourism.

The issues of Moldovanka are hardly likely to give a large economic return when tackled – at least immediately – but if Odessa is a region, Moldovanka is a region within a region and is in desperate need of development before it literally falls down both physically and to the lowest levels of society.  Perhaps that is the local authorities plan – who knows, they do not seem to have another that are actually implementing to prevent it.

Anyway, though the areas I have mentioned above are broad in their scope and less than detailed, they do at least outline some issues for consideration when it comes to development for Odessa as city – and to my mind all major cities are a region unto themselves, albeit within the larger prescribed regions as recognised by central government.

Thus, in an effort not to be like so many commentators who put forward no alternatives, I have at least spent an entire 20 minutes thinking about the development model – rather than just pooh-pooh it without any constructive thinking whatsoever.  After all, I would hate for you dear readers to simply write me off as just another persistent complainer unable or too lazy to offer up some thoughts for improvement!

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Nuclear stress tests – Ukraine National Action Plan

March 18, 2013

It seems a long time ago since I wrote about Ukraine, Ensreg and the IAEA following the Fukushima disaster.  Indeed it was back in May and June 2011.

In the entry of 27th May 2011, I raised an eyebrow over the proposed “stress tests” that were to be performed on the Ukrainian nuclear facilities.

In accordance with the Ensreg proposals, herewith is the Ukrainian National Action Plan.

On Friday I received an email from Ensreg informing me that the feedback period had been extended until 20th March – 2 days hence from this entry – should there be any comment or poignant questions.

Thanks for that timely period to give careful consideration to the National Plan – I suppose I should be grateful I was given 72 5 days to read it and offer up some queries that may or may not get past on, or thrown into a pot of similar (but possibly not the same) questions !

The Ensreg email stated “Please note that ENSREG will not reply to the individual questions, but relevant questions will be grouped and used as an input to prepare for the Peer Review Workshop which will take place from 22-26 April 2013. The Peer Review Workshop report will be published after adoption by ENSREG, and later it will also be presented at the next ENSREG Conference, scheduled on 11-12 June 2013.”

Thus, once again I will refer you to my entry of 27th May 2011 – please reread it and then refer the aforementioned paragraph from the email Ensreg sent to me late on 15th March.

Due you think my eyebrow is still raised dear readers?

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Beware the Tides of March – Black Sea ecosystem

March 16, 2013

Ok – lame title, but “Beware the Ides of March” is such a wonderful line it would be a shame not to use it – especially so when on the Ides of March several issues relating to the Black Sea and its ecosystem allow for a little corny wordplay in the title of this entry.

So what issues am I referring to that relate specifically to?

Well firstly a large oil spill off the coast of Odessa near the Danube Delta.

Secondly, and much more importantly, a UN report on the dramatic drop in shark numbers in the Black Sea.

That’s it for today.  Having smugly managed to engineer a mention of the Ides of March into my entry written on the Ides of March – albeit published the day after – I am going to enjoy a warm and sunny afternoon in Odessa.

As a post script for all you WWII boffins – and staying with the Ides of March theme – on 15th March 1939, Carpatho-Ukraine declared its independence from Czechoslovakia, but was annexed by Hungary the next day. “Beware the Ides of March” was seemingly ignored.

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Import limitations – Ministry of Energy & Coal Ukraine

February 21, 2013

UKTVED 2701 12 10 00 – UKTVED 2701 12 90 00 – UKTVED 2701 19 00 00.

What am I on about?

No my computer is not making some form of public code error.  No it is not some form of SEO optimisation effort.  And no, whilst some will consider me a sandwich or two short of a full picnic, this is not a sign of any mental disorder on my part.

These are the codes, similar to GOST codes for oil, relating to types coking coal now subject to import restrictions in Ukraine as announced by the Energy & Coal Ministry of Ukraine on their website.

There is now an annual importation limit of 7.7 million tons.

To give this figure some kind of perspective, in 2009 Ukraine imported 7.5 millions tons, in 2010 9.1 million, in 2011 10.7 million, and in 2012 just over 12 million tons.

And?

Well, Ukraine now has huge quantities of domestically produced coking coal stockpiled – stockpiled to the point where it is running out of storage space.  All in all, including all types of coal currently stockpiled in Ukrainian warehouses, there sits about 2.5 million tons of coal.

2.5 million tons of coal not only takes up a lot of space, but coking coal can be rather combustible and can spontaneously ignite on occasion.

That together with the ever decreasing storage space generates problems of where to put the continuously produced coal from the Ukrainian mines – not to mention the diversion of capital to external economies when importing other nation’s coking coal.

The question then is why, with so much domestically produced coking coal (and coal in general) is Ukraine importing it at all?  The answer is not necessarily one of price as many will automatically assume, but of chemical composition of the coking coal itself.

Quite simply, Ukrainian coking coal, and coal in general, has a far higher than internationally (and domestically in some cases) desired sulphur content – and low ash, low sulphur coking coal is what blast furnace operators desire to prevent the sulphur transferring to the pig iron in the smelting process.

Thus, it is becomes obvious to even the most simple of readers, that when Ukrainian metal producers are competing with global metal producers, not only on price but quality, high sulphur content domestically produced coking coal is less desirable than imported low sulphur coking coal.

Quite how the actions of the Ministry of Energy & Coal are going to sit with the metal producing oligarchy such as Messrs Akhmetov and Pinchuk (to name but two) we will see.  Perhaps they will get the entirety of the imported coking coal and the smaller producers will be forced to use the domestically produced high sulpher coking coal – and be forced to deal with the sulphur migration to their pig iron in the blast furnace process.

Maybe it is just a method to monopolise the import of low sulphur coking coal? – After all Mr Akhmetov does own a production plant in Kazakhstan that produces a product that meets the usual specifications of the international community relating to sulphur content.

It remains to be seen what impact this decision will have on the metal producers in Ukraine – as well as the coal miners.

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Ukraine unveils OSCE Chair priorities for 2013

January 18, 2013

In what can only be described as an anticlimax, Ukraine officially unveiled its priorities as Chair of OSCE in 2013.

An anticlimax simply because as long ago as 20th June 2012 those priorities were being widely touted OSCE Chair issues for Ukraine – whatever!

In summary the priorities under the Ukrainian Chair are frozen/protracted conflicts amongst the OSCE nations.  Of particular importance to Ukraine is Transnistra/Transdniestria (whichever spelling you prefer) as it is a guarantor in the 5+2 entity, though that is not the only frozen/protracted conflict within the OSCE members geographical territory (Nagorno-Karabakh for example).

Anyway, notwithstanding the obvious and direct Ukrainian interest in one of the several frozen/protracted conflicts, a tick in the box of geopolitical security.

Next, human trafficking, a subject which regular readers will know is very close to my heart.  Naturally I have no complaints about this being so overt and high on the Ukrainian agenda and I will take even greater interest in this area under the Ukrainian Chair.

A tick in the box for organised crime, human rights (and geographical security depending on how broad a definition you wish to apply to “security”).

Arms control within the OSCE members.  Obviously an indirect nod to the current UN efforts.  Another tick in the box for security.

Energy and environmental consequences of energy production.  Which box doesn’t that tick?

Media freedom and youth human rights education.  Now here it is very easy to immediately look inwards at Ukraine itself – quite justifiably I would add – however lest we forget the OSCE nations seem likely to leave places like Afghanistan in 2014 and thus using the 2013 Ukrainian Chair to think about media freedom and youth human rights education in such regions would seem quite wise.

Ticks in the box of human rights, freedoms, security and education.

Why, you will ask, am I mentioning ticks in boxes?  Well hopefully this diagram (created by The Carnegie Endowment) of the OSCE organisational model will make it all very clear.

osce structure

Most of those blocks will have something to be pleased about with a 2013 priority that falls directly within their remit.

In short Ukraine quite wisely when given this opportunity, has chosen issues that will be engage it with all OSCE entities as Chair – and something that will undoubtedly have the backing of many OSCE members who have somewhat strained relations with Ukraine over other issues, as far more channels of communication directly to the very top of the Ukrainian leadership will be permanently open during 2013.

All in all, clever priority choices by Ukraine, some of which will unsettle the status quo sought by some who have previously held the OSCE Chair.

Nevertheless, opportunity presents itself for Ukraine to improve its image somewhat – as do risks if it fails to gain momentum for its priorities – as others would seem to agree- or I agree with them – whatever!

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